The frenetic speed and scale of leadership changes that the Trump administration has made at the Justice Department in its first eight days indicate the degree to which it intends to remake not just the political direction of the department, but also the makeup of its senior career ranks.
Senior officials handling national security and public corruption at the department have been transferred to areas far outside their expertise, as have high-ranking employees overseeing environmental, antitrust and criminal cases. Top officials overseeing the immigration court system were outright fired, as were more than a dozen prosecutors who worked on the two federal criminal investigations into Mr. Trump.
Every new administration replaces the political leadership of federal agencies and, over time, changes some of the senior career officials. But what happened in just a matter of days at the department is much different — sloughing off decades of apolitical expertise to new assignments widely seen in the building as punishments likely to result in resignations.
Collectively, the early moves suggest a deep distrust of the career, nonpartisan staff that typically makes recommendations to the political appointees on whether to charge cases, negotiate settlements or close cases without taking action.
President Trump and his backers have long complained about a “deep state” of career government officials who they believe are hostile to Republican political leadership, and in many ways, the moves are a blitz against key elements of the department’s career leadership.
That dynamic was on full display on Monday: The acting attorney general fired prosecutors who worked for the special counsel Jack Smith, many believed to be career officials; the chief of the public corruption unit resigned; and news of the reassignment of the senior-most career official at the department emerged.
The chief of the public integrity unit, Corey Amundson, stepped down rather than accept a forced transfer to a new task force focused on part of the new administration’s efforts surrounding immigration enforcement.
“I spent my entire professional life committed to the apolitical enforcement of federal criminal law and to ensuring that those around me understood and embraced that central tenet of our work,” he wrote in his resignation letter to the acting attorney general. “I am proud of my service and wish you the best in seeking justice on behalf of the American people.”
The department’s top career official, Bradley Weinsheimer, has also been told he will be reassigned, according to people familiar with the matter. Mr. Weinsheimer, a respected veteran of the department for three decades, played a critical role under multiple administrations, often acting as the final arbiter of ethical issues or interactions that required a neutral referee.
If he had remained in his current job, Mr. Weinsheimer would also play a critical role in any recusal recommendations for senior Justice Department officials — a potentially huge and thorny issue given the number of former lawyers Mr. Trump has moved to put in senior roles there.
At the Environment and Natural Resources Division, which brings civil and criminal cases to enforce the nation’s environmental protection laws, attorneys have been ordered to freeze all of its efforts, including making no court filings. For the time being, it cannot file new complaints about companies that are breaking environmental laws, lodge or enter consent decrees to wind down such litigation, or move to intervene in other cases.
The order has led to early problems because the division was negotiating settlements to existing lawsuits and, in some instances, was required by court order to issue filings, like procedural updates.
The changes also targeted some of the career officials who carry the most authority and institutional experience. At least four of the environment division’s section chiefs — nearly half its total — were reassigned last week to a newly created task force focused on going after so-called sanctuary cities that do not cooperate with immigration enforcement as much as the new administration would like.
At least two senior leaders from the department’s civil rights division and at least two from its national security division have also been transferred to the sanctuary cities task force so far, as has the former leader of the criminal division’s section that prosecutes public corruption, according to people familiar with the matter.
Many of the senior officials who have been reassigned to immigration issues have little to no legal expertise in the field, having dedicated their legal careers to other issues, such as environmental law. They were told that their pay would remain unchanged and that they had up to 15 days to either accept the transfer or face the possibility of being fired.
Some of the measures underway at the department — like the reassignment of the head of the public integrity section, or a senior official handling national security investigations — are not entirely surprising. Mr. Trump has made plain his distaste for the Justice Department and the F.B.I. over criminal investigations of him and his allies, referring to them over the years as “scum.”
But in the case of some of the reassignments, career officials in the Justice Department find it hard to discern a reason, other than removing people whose legal views carry great weight in the building.
Some Justice Department staff members question whether the decisions violate civil service employment rules, particularly in the case of four senior officials in the office that handles immigration cases. Those people were fired outright, according to multiple people familiar with the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity to publicly discuss personnel matters.
Current and former Justice Department officials described the convulsive changes as harrowing for those affected. Multiple people last week described tearful discussions with colleagues who were suddenly forced to consider whether to quit, sue or silently accept their new posting.
The reassignment of the senior environmental lawyers is viewed by some in the division as effectively decapitating their leadership structure and demoralizing the officials who remain, according to people familiar with the changes who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal.
Andrew Mergen, who retired in 2023 after more than three decades at the division, said that while senior officials were sometimes reshuffled under previous administrations, it was “more as a prerogative of management than sort of as this big political move. So nothing like this has ever happened.”
He said he worried that the moves might drive away the department’s institutional expertise.
“Everybody who was there the day that Trump walked in had made the choice to work in the Trump administration, and to do their very best,” Mr. Mergen said, warning of the consequences if there were an exodus of career officials. “It will be a loss to the country if these people leave, and if other attorneys in the Justice Department leave.”
A spokesman for the environment division declined to comment.
The reassignments at the Justice Department have targeted members of the Senior Executive Service — the upper echelon of career employees, who serve directly for the political appointees at agencies. According to the Office of Management and Budget, such employees “are the major link between these appointees and the rest of the federal work force,” because they “operate and oversee nearly every government activity in approximately 75 federal agencies.”
David M. Uhlmann, who was the head of environmental enforcement at the Environmental Protection Agency during the Biden administration, said that simply removing those chiefs “is not going to bring the work of government to a screeching halt,” because their deputies can assume their responsibilities.
But it did underline the Trump administration’s approach to environmental regulation, he said. “The message it sends is that the Trump administration does not intend to hold polluters accountable and is not concerned about protecting communities from harmful pollution,” Mr. Uhlmann said.
The division was also affected by Mr. Trump’s executive order banning diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. While it has none, the work of a small Office of Environmental Justice, which officially opened in the Biden administration, dates back to an executive order issued under the Clinton administration that aims to address pollution and health risks that low-income and minority communities disproportionately experienced.
After Mr. Trump revoked that executive order in recent days, the division was told it could not take any steps that would have advanced its goals. And, like others involved with initiatives that promote diversity across the government, career employees of the division who worked for the environmental justice office have been placed on administrative leave, according to people familiar with the moves, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal.
As part of the administration’s push to freeze hiring across all agencies, the Justice Department has also rescinded job offers to its honors program. And like other agencies, the department has been told to submit a list of all probationary employees to the White House, meaning those who have not yet served long enough in their roles and so are not yet entitled to full protection by civil service laws.
It is unclear what officials plan to do with the list, but the request has elicited concern that it would lead to the mass dismissal of relatively new hires.
Lisa Friedman and Glenn Thrush contributed reporting.
